AMALIA ARVANITI
GRToBI illustrations
01
This example (‘Do the flowers really smell?’ lit. ‘the flowers smell?’), uttered in a surprised manner, illustrates the different alignment of the L*+H (the accent on [lu'ludja]) and L+H* (the accent on [mi'rizune]). Note the difference in the alignment of the H tone in the two accents: late on[lu'ludja]) and [lu'ludja], early on [mi'rizune].
02
03
These two examples, (both glossed as ‘they smell’), illustrate the difference between H*+L (on the left) and H* (on the right) in a one word utterance. accent on the left, H*+L suggests that the speaker thinks their interlocutor ought to know what they are saying (something like "of course they do"). The accent on the right, H* simply presents new information (i.e. "yes, they do").
04
This illustration shows two typical L* accents on segmentally identical questions, but with focus on the word [mi'rizune] ‘they smell’ on the left and on the word [lu'ludja] ‘flowers’ on the right. The questions mean ‘Do the flowers SMELL?’ and ‘Is it the FLOWERS that smell?’ respectively. Note also the different alignment of the H-, which is on (unstressed) [zu] in the question on the left, but on the stressed syllable [ri] in the question on the right.
05
This example (gloss: ‘Dalida was scolding the baby [when she fainted]!’) exemplifies the L-H% phrasal configuration, which is preceded in this case by a L+!H* accent on [mo'ro]. Note also the undershot accent (wL*+H) and the early aligned accents (>L*+H). Both are context-dependent realizations of L*+H on ['malone] and [iδali'δa] respectively.
06
This example, (‘The north wind and the sun agreed…’), illustrates the difference in scaling between H- (which marks the end of an ip) and H-H% (which mark the end of an ip/IP combined boundary). The example also shows the coalescence of the vowel of [ce] 'and' with the article [o] and the first vowel of /'iLos/; the three together form one PrWord. Finally, the canonical alignment of the L*s of ['coILos] and [si'mfonisan], which are manifested as low plateaus, can be contrasted with the wL* of [mo'ro] in Figure 9.
07
This example (‘We do not live in the Middle Ages’) illustrates the typical pattern of a negative declarative expressing reservation. Note that the negative particle /δen/, which is considered a phonological clitic, carries the nuclear (and only) pitch accent of the utterance, and thus forms a separate pword from the de-accented verb ['zume] ‘we live’; yet, sandhi (/n/-deletion before the fricative [z]) does take place as well. The rest of the utterance is deaccented, with the L- spreading until after the last stressed syllable ([se] of [me'seona] ‘Middle Ages’). Finally, compare the scaling of the !H% (relative to that of the L+H* peak) to the scaling of the H- and H% tones in Figure 5, Figure 6 and FIgure 9 relatively to the accentual Hs in these examples.
08
This example (gloss: ‘our focus is…’) illustrates the stylized H-!H% configuration on the word ['ine] ‘is’. Note also the presence of two accents on the word [epi'cedrosi] ‘focus’, which here is followed by the enclitic [mas] ‘ours’, and thus carries enclitic stress on its last syllable [si]. In situation like this one, all stressed syllables are accented.
09
This example, (gloss: ‘Dalida was scolding the baby when the phone rang’), shows two different realizations of L*+H under tonal crowding, >L*+H which is realized earlier than it canonically would (the H tone is aligned with the accented vowel instead of the first postaccentual vowel), and wL*+H, in which the L* tone is undershot, while the H shows the typical late alignment of H in L*+H accents. In this utterance there is also an undershot L* (wL*) on [mo'ro], realized as a rise from low pitch throughout the accented syllable (cf. the canonical L*s in Figure 6)
10
This example, (gloss: ‘[You] BECOME-PART of society through dance’) illustrates de-accenting after early focus. Note also, the several instances of sandhi and fast speech rules.
